Zalmay Khalilzad: Navigating U.S. Diplomacy and Taliban Relations
Last updated: 8 June 2025
Zalmay Khalilzad, born in 1951, is an American diplomat of Afghan descent, hailing from the Pashtun Noorzai branch of the Durrani tribe. He grew up in Kabul and later moved to the United States as a high school exchange student, eventually earning his doctorate from the University of Chicago.
(Pashtun
Taliban foreign minister Amir Khan Muttaqi (left) welcomes
U.S.-Pashtun diplomat
Zalmay Khalilzad (center) - 20 March 2025)
During the Reagan Administration, he worked at the Department of State, providing counsel on U.S. strategies during the Soviet-Afghan War.
(Zalmay Khalilzad (center) with Yunus Khalis (left) and Ronald Reagan (right)
in Roosevelt Room of White House - November 13, 1987)
Beginning his career as a translator and eventually ascending to a prominent role within the United States government, Zalmay Khalilzad has a lengthy history of supporting the Taliban, largely due to their shared ethnic roots. His actions have included marginalizing non-Pashtuns and manipulating the international community by branding the Taliban as either Iranian allies or adversaries of the Western world, leading to numerous false accusations against non-Pashtuns.
On October 6, 1996, Khalilzad authored an opinion piece in the Washington Post supporting the then-newly formed Taliban, misleading the public and hiding their true character:
In this, Khalilzad urged the U.S. government to re-engage with Afghanistan in support of the Taliban as early as 1996:
"It is time for the United States to reengage. Recent developments in Afghanistan suggest that the United States can help bring a settlement to the Afghan conflict, but it will take leadership and determination to do so. Based on recent conversations with Afghans, including the various Taliban factions, and Pakistanis, I am confident that they would welcome an American reengagement. The Taliban does not practice the anti-U.S. style of fundamentalism practiced by Iran -- it is closer to the Saudi model. The group upholds a mix of traditional Pashtun values and an orthodox interpretation of Islam. The departure of the Osama bin Laden, the Saudi financier of various anti-U.S. terrorist groups, from Afghanistan indicates some common interest between the United States and the Taliban."
It was likely Khalilzad whom the renowned Afghan resistance leader Ahmad Shah Massoud (1953–September 9, 2001) mentioned as "the well-known Afghan individual who passionately defended the Taliban while living in the United States".
Over time, the Taliban were ultimately removed from power by the Bush administration because of their backing of Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda during the planning of the 9/11 attacks.
This occurred shortly after the assassination of Ahmad Shah Massoud, the prominent Afghan Tajik leader and fierce opponent of the Taliban and their supporters among the Pashtun-Afghan diaspora. Notably, Massoud was killed just two days before 9/11.
The Bonn Conference ensured that Hamid Karzai, a man from the Pashtun ethnic group, assumed the presidency of Afghanistan. He was later succeeded by Pashtun Ashraf Ghani on September 29, 2014. Ghani and his staff eventually secretly escaped from the presidential palace to flee to the United Arab Emirates, where he resides today, as the Pashtun Taliban regained control of the country. Some Afghan analysts refer to this transition as a pre-arranged shift of power.
Khalilzad served as the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations from 2007 to 2009 during President George W. Bush's administration and briefly under President Barack Obama. Prior to that, he served as the Ambassador to Afghanistan from 2004 to 2005 and as the Ambassador to Iraq from 2005 to 2007. His time in Iraq was met with criticism, as many Iraqis viewed his interference in security matters as exacerbating the situation, bringing the country dangerously close to civil war. Notably, during 2007, the insurgency in Iraq reached one of its peaks.
On February 22, 2006, Shi'ite leader late Abd al-Aziz al-Hakim (1952-2009) remarked to reporters that Khalilzad’s comments on February 20 advocating for a national-unity government essentially provided encouragement to terrorists, suggesting that Khalilzad "shoulders part of the responsibility" for subsequent attacks.
Prime Minister al-Ja'fari also expressed his discontent with Khalilzad's statements on February 21, 2006, asserting to reporters that the formation of a national-unity government would not be dictated "in compliance with a demand by an ambassador or something like that," but would instead reflect the will of the Iraqi people.
Despite this history, Khalilzad persisted in addressing issues in Iraq, most recently in an interview with Kurdistan24 on March 7, 2024:
During that interview, Khalilzad criticized the Iraqi government for constitutional violations, particularly regarding the Federal Supreme Court, which he alleged was under Iranian influence. He also emphasized the need for unity among Kurdish factions, particularly the KDP and PUK, stressing the importance of putting Kurdistan's interests first. He warned that internal divisions could be manipulated by adversaries. Moreover, he highlighted the necessity for Kurdish self-defense, advocating that Kurdish forces should have the capability to defend themselves, either independently or in cooperation with allies. This raises questions about Khalilzad's involvement in Iraqi affairs, especially given his background as an Afghan-American, leading some to speculate about his motivations.
(Zalmay Khalilzad in Afghanistan in front of a poster of
Afghan Pashtun President Hamid Karzai)
Meanwhile,
Afghanistan's situation deteriorated gradually, revealing a discernible pattern
in these developments. Following the killings of Sayed Mustafa Kazemi in
November 2007 and Burhanuddin Rabbani on September 20, 2011—two prominent
Afghan Tajik leaders opposed to the Taliban—several other influential figures,
many of whom were either non-Pashtun or anti-Taliban, were also assassinated.
In 2017, Khalilzad was considered for the role of Secretary of State under President Donald Trump. From September 2018 to August 2021, Khalilzad held the position of Special Representative for Afghanistan Reconciliation at the State Department, working under both the Trump and Biden administrations.
Appointed by President Trump on September 5, 2018, as the Special Representative for Afghanistan Reconciliation, Khalilzad continued in this role under President Biden until October 18, 2021. During this time, he played a significant role in negotiating the U.S.-Taliban deal and facilitating the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan.
The U.S.-Taliban agreement, known as the Doha Accord, was signed on February 29, 2020, in Doha, Qatar, aiming to end the years of conflict in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021. Khalilzad, who negotiated this deal for the Trump administration, did so without the participation of the Afghan government, the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.
shaking hands after signing the deal)
The accord, which included secret annexes, contributed to the eventual collapse of the Afghan National Defense and Security Forces (ANDSF). Khalilzad has faced criticism for overseeing the release of over 5,000 Taliban prisoners in February 2020, a decision he expressed mixed feelings about, stating, "you have to make hard decisions."
Today, the Taliban are allegedly supported by Pakistan, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and other allied countries, which provide funding and advice, as well as organize their activities both inside and outside Afghanistan.
The article "Timeline of U.S. Withdrawal from Afghanistan" posted by FactCheck.org on August 17, 2021 outlines the complexities surrounding the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, emphasizing the shared responsibility of both President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump:
Both leaders demonstrated a willingness to remove U.S. troops from Afghanistan,
with Trump initiating the process through a withdrawal agreement signed with
the Taliban in February 2020. This agreement established a deadline of May 1,
2021, for withdrawal and included significant concessions, such as the release
of 5,000 Taliban prisoners without the consent of the Afghan government
As the timeline progressed, it became evident that the Taliban failed to uphold critical commitments within the agreement (which Khalilzad has always denied, despite the facts presented to him), including reducing violence and distancing themselves from al-Qaeda. Despite these violations, the U.S. reduced troop levels significantly during Trump's administration. Upon taking office, Biden opted to delay the May withdrawal deadline, extending it to August 31, 2021, all while downplaying the risks of a Taliban takeover, despite intelligence indicating a probable collapse of the Afghan government.
The situation culminated in the fall of Kabul on August 15, 2021, as the Taliban rapidly gained control of Afghan territory. In a speech following the withdrawal, Biden attributed the swift collapse of the Afghan government to the failure of its leaders to resist the Taliban and noted the Afghan military's inability to effectively function. Ultimately, the article highlights the ongoing blame game regarding accountability for the situation in Afghanistan, demonstrating the intricate interplay of political decisions, military actions, and the failures leading to the Taliban's rapid takeover, with both Biden and Trump playing significant roles in this complex scenario.
In the wake of the Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan on August 15, 2021, Ahmad Massoud, the leader of the National Resistance Front (NRF), offered a detailed critique during an interview with French journalist Marc Perelman on October 12, 2023.
When Perelman asked whether America had betrayed the Afghan people, Massoud responded specifically mentioning Khalilzad:
"I
believe that United States of America with that agreement, (they) not only
betrayed the people of Afghanistan, but the peace opportunity was lost
and the Democracy took a big hit, because it meant that many
other terrorist groups around the globe like TTP, like Boko
Haram, like Shabab and many others (they) had [now] a role model,
and Isis, like Taliban, that if they continue fighting like Taliban, one day
America was going to send us another Khalilzad to make a deal with us. So, it
was a mistake of Administration. However, let's not forget that there were
people in Pentagon and CIA who advised against such decisions."
Massoud further
criticized the fact that Americans pressured the Afghan government to release
5,000 Taliban fighters, assuring them that these individuals would not return
to the battlefield. Unfortunately, the majority did return and became crucial
to the collapse of the Afghan government, rendering the deal a significant
blunder. He pointed out that the agreement between the U.S. and the Taliban did
not contain a single mention of women's rights, human rights, or
democracy, making it a catastrophic deal, particularly in light of the decision
by Mr. Biden to announce an unconditional withdrawal.
In a February 2025 interview with the Austrian newspaper Die Presse, Ahmad Massoud conveyed that the Taliban have significantly breached the Doha agreement, a statement backed by verified reports. A New York Times Investigation opinion revealed that 500 former Afghan security forces and government officials were killed or forcibly disappeared just during Taliban's first six months in power:
Moreover, Ahmad Massoud noted in that interview that the Taliban leadership seems indifferent to critical matters such as upholding the rule of law, safeguarding the rights of women, and honoring the rights of various ethnic groups. He contends that an Afghan government should also assume responsibility on the international stage. Massoud observes that the Taliban merely assert that their authority is divinely ordained, which ostensibly gives them the freedom to act as they please—a perspective he deems exceedingly outdated in today's world. He emphatically asserts that Afghanistan requires a legitimate government, which it currently lacks, given that the Taliban have not been elected by the people.
On March
20, 2025, Khalilzad faced backlash after meeting with Taliban leaders,
including Amir Khan Muttaqi, the Taliban's foreign minister, in Kabul,
Afghanistan, as a representative of the U.S.
(Taliban lobbyist Zalmay Khalilzad (with hands folded) sitting
opposite to Taliban leaders - 20 March 2025)
It is widely believed that Khalilzad advocates for the Taliban due to their shared Pashtun heritage, often intervening on their behalf with the U.S. and Sunni allies when they face challenges.
Khalilzad is married to Cheryl Benard, an American-Austrian author and political scientist, and they have two sons together.
(Khalilzad with his wife Cheryl Benard)
Cherly Benard's Interference in Afghanistan's Affairs
Cheryl Benard recently issued additional propaganda endorsing the Taliban, following a period of silence from her husband due to massive media backlash over his persistent support for the extremist Taliban, notwithstanding their connections with international terrorist and jihadi organizations.
(Screenshot of the title of Cheryl Benard's article in The National Interest)
This time, Mrs. Benard attempted to defend the Taliban more subtly and eagerly than her husband did nearly 30 years ago. On May 20, 2025, she wrote an article in The National Interest that defended the Taliban’s policies. Here are some highlights:
"It is not true, as the Feminist Majority website claims, that women are excluded from economic activity and that, therefore, the economy is in a downturn. Just walking around Kabul at random, I saw saleswomen in the malls, including the young proprietor of her own perfume shop; female wait staff in restaurants; and most surprisingly to me, women operating their own pushcarts on the streets, selling household goods and seasonal fruit as they navigated the traffic. In rural areas, women always worked in farming, and they still do. According to the Western press, women are obliged to be fully veiled and accompanied by a male guardian when in public; this is manifestly not the case, as I saw many women walking alone, or with female friends, most of them with only a headscarf, no face covering."
While Cheryl Benard attempts to flatter U.S. President Trump by stating, "It is worth noting, too, that the Trump administration is not alone in its new policy toward Afghan refugees. Several European countries, including some with liberal governments, have also announced repatriation plans." her propaganda remains entirely baseless and illogical. Even if she personally observed women in Kabul selling items, this anecdote does not constitute scientific evidence of the overall situation of women in Afghanistan. Conversely, international organizations have documented that the Taliban's treatment of women is characterized by severe oppression.
Additionally, her comments sparked widespread outrage among Afghan women. The newspaper Zan Times (with "Zan" meaning "woman" in Farsi) even published a full article refuting her claims:
Given that Mrs. Benard is evidently aware of the situation, she proceeds to link the deportation of Afghan migrants to Afghanistan with the U.S. government's diplomatic relations and financial support for the Taliban terrorist regime. She states: “For the sake of the Afghan population, including the soon-to-be returnees, lifting the sanctions and letting the country experience a less handcuffed economic upswing would be the right thing to do. At a minimum, the Taliban should be allowed to reopen and staff their consulates, to issue travel documents and otherwise facilitate the process for their returning citizens.”
If it weren’t such a tragic situation for Afghan women, it would be quite ironic—and perhaps even amusing—to see how Cheryl Benard presents herself as someone who cares about Afghans, especially when she writes, “For the sake of the Afghan population, including the soon-to-be returnees...”
Results of Khalilzad's Interference
Khalilzad succeeded in his plan to transfer control of Afghanistan to the so-called "intelligence mafia"—which now supports and sponsors the Taliban—and once again turned Afghanistan into a terrorist hub.
According to military experts such as Hazrat Ali, a retired Afghan commander involved in the Tora Bora joint military operation, terrorist groups began to operate freely within newly established terrorist training camps across the war-ravaged country.
Masked terrorist fighters affiliated with the Taliban can be seen roaming openly in Afghanistan, as captured in a video from March 2025 in Mazar-i-Sharif:
The devastation inflicted on Afghanistan extends far beyond physical destruction; it has deeply eroded the very fabric of Afghan society. Afghan women have lost nearly all their rights—stripped of access to education and employment, and subjected to ongoing repression. This is also evident in numerous images and videos, such as this one from March 2025:
Another image depicts Afghan women protesting to demand their right to education:
While Afghan women face oppression, Taliban leading commanders are reportedly spending their time with Chinese female agents in Kabul parks, as China supports the terrorist group, thereby exploiting Afghanistan's natural resources in return:
Yet, despite the profound suffering and injustice, what remains for many Afghans is their mere existence amid chaos and despair.
The ongoing plunder of Afghanistan’s resources by these powerful factions and external sponsors is not only a theft of the country’s wealth but also a brutal confiscation of fundamental freedoms—particularly the rights and dignity of women and men alike. The US military's withdrawal left a scorched earth behind, leaving Afghanistan economically devastated and politically fractured, with much of its infrastructure and hopes destroyed.
Furthermore, the collapse of Afghanistan's government and the subsequent chaos are directly linked to the U.S. strategy of weaponizing its financial system during two decades of intervention in an article published on August 31, 2023 on the website Just Security:
Billions of dollars spent on military and aid programs fueled corruption, embezzlement, and the rise of a kleptocratic elite—ultimately undermining state institutions and enabling the collapse. The massive infusion of money created an ecosystem of favoritism and criminality that, instead of stabilizing the country, fostered a “criminal state” where corruption became endemic, and the rule of law was eroded. The US approach, which prioritized short-term gains and patronage over building resilient institutions, left Afghanistan hollowed out from within, its leadership entangled in a web of illicit interests and corruption. When the 2020 US-Taliban deal signaled the impending withdrawal, the entire fragile political order unraveled rapidly, exposing the deep roots of systemic corruption and the failure of the war effort. These lessons serve as a warning to other nations, such as Ukraine, where massive foreign aid and military support risk similar pitfalls if oversight and accountability are not prioritized.
The article explicitly mentions the possibility that the Taliban were reinstalled by the USA on purpose by stating: "Many Afghans continue to question whether the United States simply jumped ship at the last minute, enabling the Taliban takeover in return for certain backchannel guarantees, inked in the secret annex documents of the 2020 Doha Agreement."
This is indeed a widely held theory, shared not only by Afghans but also by many international war analysts. However, the article does not address the direct involvement of Zalmay Khalilzad and his associates, who are often viewed as the key figures behind the intentional reinstatement of the Taliban in Afghanistan, possibly to prevent any non-Pashtun group from gaining power after after the U.S. withdrawal. This conclusion can be drawn from Khalilzad’s previous statements d (cp. his opinion in the Washington Post from 1996).
Meanwhile, regional and international powers are trampling on the rights of Afghan migrants, turning their backs on the suffering populace. The so-called "mafia"—the shadowy intelligence agencies and foreign interests—appear content to see Afghanistan remain in ruin, ruled by proxies and thieves who serve their interests. Their intrigues continue, with Afghan anti-Taliban resistance groups symbolizing the ongoing struggle for national sovereignty amidst external manipulation.
In this bleak landscape, it’s important to recognize that Afghanistan’s crisis is not only a matter of political instability but also one of human suffering on an unprecedented scale. Recent studies and global datasets reveal that Afghanistan now reports the lowest levels of subjective well-being in recorded history:
In 2022, the average life satisfaction score plummeted to just 1.28 out of 10—an unprecedented low that surpasses all previous conflict zones. Most Afghans—around two-thirds—rated their lives at 0 or 1, suggesting they are living in conditions worse than death.
This decline in happiness is not an isolated statistic; it reflects the profound despair gripping the nation. The nation's hope for a better future has also evaporated, with average scores of anticipation dropping sharply to just over 1 out of 10. These figures starkly illustrate the depth of suffering—a society where many feel they have little left to strive for, and where the very idea of a hopeful future seems unreachable.
What this data underscores is that war and conflict do not just cause immediate destruction but have lasting psychological and social repercussions. Afghanistan’s tragic decline in subjective well-being challenges models in behavioral science that downplay the impact of life circumstances on happiness. It reveals that, in countries torn apart by violence and repression, objective conditions—such as security, rights, and resources—are critical determinants of people's mental and emotional health.
In essence, Afghanistan’s current state exemplifies how societal crises strip away not only material wealth but also the dignity, hope, and sense of purpose that sustain human life. The international community’s continued neglect and manipulation only deepen these wounds. Without genuine support aimed at rebuilding both infrastructure and morale, the Afghan people face an uncertain future—one marked by ongoing suffering, lost freedoms, and an enduring sense of hopelessness
It is
unlikely that the Afghan people will find solace or security in their final
stand against terrorism within their homeland, as the ongoing conflict is
primarily fueled by external adversaries opposed to Afghanistan’s sovereignty.
The current leadership and backers of the Taliban, including figures such as
Khalilzad, along with other Pashtun political elites like Ashraf Ghani,
Hamid Karzai and Mirwais Azizi, appear intent on convincing international and regional
governments to bolster their support for the Taliban regime. Such
efforts only serve to deepen the suffering experienced by ordinary Afghans.
Moreover, these elites, along with the Taliban, tend to favor governance by Pashtun intermediaries and proxies, mirroring the current situation characterized by high unemployment, widespread illiteracy, harsh restrictions on civil liberties, and declining life conditions, including increased drug addiction. This fragile state leaves the Afghan population vulnerable to manipulation by foreign intelligence agencies from countries such as Pakistan, Qatar, the UAE, China, and the United States, each exploiting the situation to serve their own strategic interests. The Taliban itself remains a proxy and tool of these external powers, further perpetuating instability and hindering Afghanistan’s potential to develop a more inclusive, democratic, and independent governance structure representing its diverse ethnic groups.
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