Zalmay Khalilzad: Navigating U.S. Diplomacy and Taliban Relations
Last Updated: August 13, 2025
Contents
1) Zalmay Khalilzad and his Continuous Support for the Taliban
2) The Involvement of Cheryl Benard (Khalilzad's Wife) in Afghanistan's Affairs
3) A Brief Overview of the Taliban
4) The Crimes and Corruption of the Taliban Regime: Human Rights Abuses, Exploitation, and Oppression in Afghanistan
5) Results of Khalilzad's Interference
6) Khalilzad's Pashtun Nationalism
7) The Role of the USA in Afghanistan’s Political Dynamics
8) Afghanistan Under the Taliban: A Regime Marked by Oppression and Violence
9) Conclusion: Emerging Resistance to Taliban Totalitarianism - Perspectives and Strategies
1) Zalmay Khalilzad and his Continuous Support for the Taliban
Zalmay Khalilzad, born in 1951, is an American diplomat of Afghan descent, hailing from the Pashtun Noorzai branch of the Durrani tribe. He grew up in Kabul and later moved to the United States as a high school exchange student, eventually earning his doctorate from the University of Chicago.
(Pashtun
Taliban foreign minister Amir Khan Muttaqi (left) welcomes
U.S.-Pashtun diplomat
Zalmay Khalilzad (center) - 20 March 2025)
During the Reagan Administration, he worked at the Department of State, providing counsel on U.S. strategies during the Soviet-Afghan War.
(Zalmay Khalilzad (center) with Yunus Khalis (left) and Ronald Reagan (right)
in Roosevelt Room of White House - November 13, 1987)
Beginning his career as a translator and eventually ascending to a prominent role within the United States government, Zalmay Khalilzad has a lengthy history of supporting the Taliban, largely due to their shared ethnic roots. His actions have involved marginalizing non-Pashtun groups and manipulating the international community by portraying anti-Taliban forces as either Iranian allies or enemies of the Western world. This strategy has led to numerous false accusations against non-Pashtun and anti-Taliban factions.
On October 6, 1996, Khalilzad authored an opinion piece in the Washington Post supporting the then-newly formed Taliban, misleading the public and hiding their true character:
In this, Khalilzad urged the U.S. government to re-engage with Afghanistan in support of the Taliban as early as 1996:
"It is time for the United States to reengage. Recent developments in Afghanistan suggest that the United States can help bring a settlement to the Afghan conflict, but it will take leadership and determination to do so. Based on recent conversations with Afghans, including the various Taliban factions, and Pakistanis, I am confident that they would welcome an American reengagement. The Taliban does not practice the anti-U.S. style of fundamentalism practiced by Iran -- it is closer to the Saudi model. The group upholds a mix of traditional Pashtun values and an orthodox interpretation of Islam. The departure of the Osama bin Laden, the Saudi financier of various anti-U.S. terrorist groups, from Afghanistan indicates some common interest between the United States and the Taliban."
It was likely Khalilzad whom the renowned Afghan resistance leader Ahmad Shah Massoud (1953–September 9, 2001) mentioned as "the well-known Afghan individual who passionately defended the Taliban while living in the United States".
Over time, the Taliban were ultimately removed from power by the Bush administration because of their backing of Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda during the planning of the 9/11 attacks.
This occurred shortly after the assassination of Ahmad Shah Massoud, the prominent Afghan Tajik leader and fierce opponent of the Taliban and their supporters among the Pashtun-Afghan diaspora. Notably, Massoud was killed just two days before 9/11.
The Bonn Conference ensured that Hamid Karzai, a man from the Pashtun ethnic group, assumed the presidency of Afghanistan. He was later succeeded by Pashtun Ashraf Ghani on September 29, 2014. Ghani and his staff eventually secretly escaped from the presidential palace to flee to the United Arab Emirates, where he resides today, as the Pashtun Taliban regained control of the country. Some Afghan analysts refer to this transition as a pre-arranged shift of power.
Khalilzad served as the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations from 2007 to 2009 during President George W. Bush's administration and briefly under President Barack Obama. Prior to that, he served as the Ambassador to Afghanistan from 2004 to 2005 and as the Ambassador to Iraq from 2005 to 2007. His time in Iraq was met with criticism, as many Iraqis viewed his interference in security matters as exacerbating the situation, bringing the country dangerously close to civil war. Notably, during 2007, the insurgency in Iraq reached one of its peaks.
On February 22, 2006, Shi'ite leader late Abd al-Aziz al-Hakim (1952-2009) remarked to reporters that Khalilzad’s comments on February 20, 2006, advocating for a national-unity government essentially provided encouragement to terrorists, suggesting that Khalilzad "shoulders part of the responsibility" for subsequent attacks.
Prime Minister al-Ja'fari also expressed his discontent with Khalilzad's statements on February 21, 2006, asserting to reporters that the formation of a national-unity government would not be dictated "in compliance with a demand by an ambassador or something like that," but would instead reflect the will of the Iraqi people.
Despite this history, Khalilzad persisted in addressing issues in Iraq, most recently in an interview with Kurdistan24 on March 7, 2024:
During that interview, Khalilzad criticized the Iraqi government for constitutional violations, particularly regarding the Federal Supreme Court, which he alleged was under Iranian influence. He also emphasized the need for unity among Kurdish factions, particularly the KDP and PUK, stressing the importance of putting Kurdistan's interests first. He warned that internal divisions could be manipulated by adversaries. Moreover, he highlighted the necessity for Kurdish self-defense, advocating that Kurdish forces should have the capability to defend themselves, either independently or in cooperation with allies. This raises questions about Khalilzad's involvement in Iraqi affairs, especially given his background as an Afghan-American, leading some to speculate about his motivations.
(Zalmay Khalilzad in Afghanistan in front of a poster of
Afghan Pashtun President Hamid Karzai)
Meanwhile, Afghanistan's situation deteriorated gradually, revealing a discernible pattern in these developments. Following the killings of Sayed Mustafa Kazemi in November 2007 and Burhanuddin Rabbani on September 20, 2011—two prominent Afghan Tajik leaders opposed to the Taliban—several other influential figures, many of whom were either non-Pashtun or anti-Taliban, were also assassinated. Among these, the most notable was the killing of Abdul Raziq Achakzai, the chief of police for Kandahar Province, known as General Raziq, on October 18, 2018. His assassination occurred just before the Taliban’s complete defeat in that province.
Supporters of the Taliban subtly prepared for their resurgence by orchestrating pivotal events such as the assassinations of Rabbani, Mustafa Kazemi, and Raziq. Their goal was to incite chaos and foster conditions similar to a civil war. Moreover, drug addiction in Afghanistan steadily grew, reaching around 10%, a level that remained stable even after the Taliban's rise to power:
Appointed by President Trump on September 5, 2018, as the Special Representative for Afghanistan Reconciliation, Khalilzad continued in this role under President Biden until October 18, 2021. During this time, he played a significant role in negotiating the U.S.-Taliban deal and facilitating the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan.
The U.S.-Taliban agreement, known as the Doha Accord, was signed on February 29, 2020, in Doha, Qatar, aiming to end the years of conflict in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021. Khalilzad, who negotiated this deal for the Trump administration, did so without the participation of the Afghan government or representatives of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.
shaking hands after signing the deal)
The accord, which included secret annexes, contributed to the eventual collapse of the Afghan National Defense and Security Forces (ANDSF). Khalilzad has faced criticism for overseeing the release of over 5,000 Taliban prisoners in February 2020, a decision he expressed mixed feelings about, stating, "you have to make hard decisions."
Today, the Taliban are allegedly supported by Pakistan, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and other allied countries, which provide funding and advice, as well as organize their activities both inside and outside Afghanistan.
The article "Timeline of U.S. Withdrawal from Afghanistan" posted by FactCheck.org on August 17, 2021 outlines the complexities surrounding the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, emphasizing the shared responsibility of both President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump:
Both leaders demonstrated a willingness to remove U.S. troops from Afghanistan,
with Trump initiating the process through a withdrawal agreement signed with
the Taliban in February 2020. This agreement established a deadline of May 1,
2021, for withdrawal and included significant concessions, such as the release
of 5,000 Taliban prisoners without the consent of the Afghan government.
As the timeline progressed, it became evident that the Taliban failed to uphold critical commitments within the agreement (which Khalilzad has always denied, despite the facts presented to him), including reducing violence and distancing themselves from al-Qaeda. Despite these violations, the U.S. reduced troop levels significantly during Trump's administration. Upon taking office, Biden opted to delay the May withdrawal deadline, extending it to August 31, 2021, all while downplaying the risks of a Taliban takeover, despite intelligence indicating a probable collapse of the Afghan government.
The situation culminated in the fall of Kabul on August 15, 2021, as the Taliban rapidly gained control of Afghan territory. In a speech following the withdrawal, Biden attributed the swift collapse of the Afghan government to the failure of its leaders to resist the Taliban and noted the Afghan military's inability to effectively function. Ultimately, the article highlights the ongoing blame game regarding accountability for the situation in Afghanistan, demonstrating the intricate interplay of political decisions, military actions, and the failures leading to the Taliban's rapid takeover, with both Biden and Trump playing significant roles in this complex scenario.
In the wake of the Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan on August 15, 2021, Ahmad Massoud, the leader of the National Resistance Front (NRF), offered a detailed critique during an interview with French journalist Marc Perelman on October 12, 2023.
When Perelman asked whether America had betrayed the Afghan people, Massoud responded specifically mentioning Khalilzad:
"I
believe that United States of America with that agreement, (they) not only
betrayed the people of Afghanistan, but the peace opportunity was lost
and the Democracy took a big hit, because it meant that many
other terrorist groups around the globe like TTP, like Boko
Haram, like Shabab and many others (they) had [now] a role model,
and Isis, like Taliban, that if they continue fighting like Taliban, one day
America was going to send us another Khalilzad to make a deal with us. So, it
was a mistake of Administration. However, let's not forget that there were
people in Pentagon and CIA who advised against such decisions."
Massoud further
criticized the fact that Americans pressured the Afghan government to release
5,000 Taliban fighters, assuring them that these individuals would not return
to the battlefield. Unfortunately, the majority did return and became crucial
to the collapse of the Afghan government, rendering the deal a significant
blunder. He pointed out that the agreement between the U.S. and the Taliban did
not contain a single mention of women's rights, human rights, or
democracy, making it a catastrophic deal, particularly in light of the decision
by Mr. Biden to announce an unconditional withdrawal.
In a February 2025 interview with the Austrian newspaper Die Presse, Ahmad Massoud conveyed that the Taliban have significantly breached the Doha agreement, a statement backed by verified reports. A New York Times Investigation opinion revealed that 500 former Afghan security forces and government officials were killed or forcibly disappeared just during Taliban's first six months in power:
Moreover, Ahmad Massoud noted in that interview that the Taliban leadership seems indifferent to critical matters such as upholding the rule of law, safeguarding the rights of women, and honoring the rights of various ethnic groups. He contends that an Afghan government should also assume responsibility on the international stage. Massoud observes that the Taliban merely assert that their authority is divinely ordained, which ostensibly gives them the freedom to act as they please—a perspective he deems exceedingly outdated in today's world. He emphatically asserts that Afghanistan requires a legitimate government, which it currently lacks, given that the Taliban have not been elected by the people.
On March
20, 2025, Khalilzad faced backlash after meeting with Taliban leaders,
including Amir Khan Muttaqi, the Taliban's foreign minister, in Kabul,
Afghanistan, as a representative of the U.S.
(Taliban lobbyist Zalmay Khalilzad (with hands folded) sitting
opposite to Taliban leaders - 20 March 2025)
Khalilzad is married to Cheryl Benard, an American-Austrian author and political scientist, and they have two sons together.
(Khalilzad with his wife Cheryl Benard)
2) The Involvement of Cheryl Benard (Khalilzad's Wife) in Afghanistan's Affairs
Cheryl Benard recently issued additional propaganda endorsing the Taliban, following a period of silence from her husband due to massive media backlash over his persistent support for the extremist Taliban, notwithstanding their connections with international terrorist and jihadi organizations.
(Screenshot of the title of Cheryl Benard's article in The National Interest)
This time, Mrs. Benard attempted to defend the Taliban more subtly and eagerly than her husband did nearly 30 years ago. On May 20, 2025, she wrote an article in The National Interest that defended the Taliban’s policies. Here are some highlights:
"It is not true, as the Feminist Majority website claims, that women are excluded from economic activity and that, therefore, the economy is in a downturn. Just walking around Kabul at random, I saw saleswomen in the malls, including the young proprietor of her own perfume shop; female wait staff in restaurants; and most surprisingly to me, women operating their own pushcarts on the streets, selling household goods and seasonal fruit as they navigated the traffic. In rural areas, women always worked in farming, and they still do. According to the Western press, women are obliged to be fully veiled and accompanied by a male guardian when in public; this is manifestly not the case, as I saw many women walking alone, or with female friends, most of them with only a headscarf, no face covering."
While Cheryl Benard attempts to flatter U.S. President Trump by stating, "It is worth noting, too, that the Trump administration is not alone in its new policy toward Afghan refugees. Several European countries, including some with liberal governments, have also announced repatriation plans." her propaganda remains entirely baseless and illogical. Even if she personally observed women in Kabul selling items, this anecdote does not constitute scientific evidence of the overall situation of women in Afghanistan. Conversely, international organizations have documented that the Taliban's treatment of women is characterized by severe oppression.
Additionally, her comments sparked widespread outrage among Afghan women. The newspaper Zan Times (with "Zan" meaning "woman" in Farsi) even published a full article refuting her claims:
Given that Mrs. Benard is evidently aware of the situation, she proceeds to link the deportation of Afghan migrants to Afghanistan with the U.S. government's diplomatic relations and financial support for the Taliban terrorist regime. She states: “For the sake of the Afghan population, including the soon-to-be returnees, lifting the sanctions and letting the country experience a less handcuffed economic upswing would be the right thing to do. At a minimum, the Taliban should be allowed to reopen and staff their consulates, to issue travel documents and otherwise facilitate the process for their returning citizens.”
If it weren’t such a tragic situation for Afghan women, it would be quite ironic—and perhaps even amusing—to see how Cheryl Benard presents herself as someone who cares about Afghans, especially when she writes, “For the sake of the Afghan population, including the soon-to-be returnees...”
3) A Brief
Overview of the Taliban
Who exactly
are the Taliban, whom the Khalilzad family passionately defends?
The Taliban
is a political and militant movement believed to have been created by
Pakistan's ISI to influence Afghanistan’s politics in favor of Pakistan. The
group emerged suddenly in 1994 as a significant faction during Afghanistan’s
civil war, succeeding the Pakistani-backed Pashtun warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar,
whose efforts failed between 1992 and 1996. In 1996, the Taliban rose against
Ahmad Shah Massoud and the Tajik factions, acting as Pakistan’s proxy after
Hekmatyar’s defeat.
Most
Taliban members are Pashtun students from eastern and southern Afghanistan,
educated in traditional Islamic schools in Pakistan. Under Mullah Omar’s
leadership (1996–2001), the movement expanded across Afghanistan, replacing the
power of Mujahideen warlords. In 1996, they established the First Islamic
Emirate of Afghanistan. The Northern Alliance opposed their rule, controlling
parts of northeast Afghanistan and maintaining international recognition as the
Islamic State of Afghanistan.
The
Taliban’s ideology is rooted in Pashtun tribal law, Pashtunwali, combined with
Deobandi Sunni fundamentalism, which mixes Hanafi Islamic principles with
Wahhabism from Saudi Arabia. Some core principles of Pashtunwali
include:
- Asylum (Nənawā́te): Offering protection to
fugitives or those seeking forgiveness, exemplified by the case of US Navy
SEAL Marcus Luttrell, who was sheltered by Pashtun tribes after surviving
an ambush.
- Justice and Revenge (Nyāw aw Badál): Pursuing justice or retribution without time limits, where even minor insults can be considered grave offenses.
- Arbitration (Jergá): Disputes are resolved
through traditional tribunals called Jirgas.
- Faith (Groh): Trust in Allah and
Islamic monotheism.
- Female Honor (Nāmús): Protecting women’s
dignity at all costs.
- Honor (Nang): Defending the weak and
vulnerable.
- Manhood or Chivalry (Meṛā́na): Demonstrating courage,
with a turban often symbolizing this valor.
- Country (Hewā́d): Defending Pashtun land
and customs.
These cultural laws have contributed to severe oppression of women, making Afghanistan one of the most gender-oppressive countries worldwide. Additionally, Pashtun-specific laws have been linked to serious crimes such as homicide, femicide, and rape, committed by Pashtuns both inside and outside Afghanistan. Indeed, these incidents underscore the intricate relationship between cultural norms, traditional laws like Pashtunwali, and the difficulties faced in ensuring justice and reducing violence within Pashtun communities. Addressing these issues requires nuanced approaches that respect cultural values while promoting human rights and legal accountability.
The Taliban's and some Pashtun communities' distorted understanding of hospitality, honor, and chivalry has often led to harmful practices, including the mistreatment of women and the exploitation of young boys for sexual reasons.
The distorted interpretations have contributed to practices that harm women and vulnerable individuals, including exploitation and abuse. Addressing these issues involves challenging harmful cultural norms, promoting gender rights, and ensuring legal protections for victims.
From 1996
to 2001, the Taliban controlled roughly 75% of Afghanistan until they were
ousted by a U.S.-led invasion following the September 11 attacks carried out by
al-Qaeda. After two decades of insurgency and the withdrawal of coalition
forces, the Taliban retook Kabul in August 2021 and now hold control over the
entire country, despite ongoing resistance in some regions.
The Taliban
has been widely condemned for human rights abuses, particularly restrictions on
women’s rights to work and access education. Many countries classify the
Taliban as a terrorist organization, and their government remains largely
unrecognized internationally.
While the
majority of Afghanistan’s population belongs to ethnic groups other than
Pashtuns, all top Taliban leaders are Pashtun. A few symbolic figures from
Tajik, Uzbek, Hazara, and other ethnicities exist within the Taliban hierarchy.
4) The
Crimes and Corruption of the Taliban Regime: Human Rights Abuses, Exploitation,
and Oppression in Afghanistan
The Taliban’s approach often involves collective punishment, especially in areas resisting their rule. They have terrorized Afghanistan for years, employing brutal tactics such as placing yellow barrels filled with explosives along roads to target civilians and security forces alike.
Unashamed of their violent methods, the Taliban have even displayed their weapons and tactics in public exhibitions:
Nearly four years into Taliban rule, new museums across Afghanistan have sparked anger and grief by displaying items such as suicide vests, barrel bombs, and other explosive devices used in decades of conflict. Survivors argue that these exhibits glorify weapons responsible for killing thousands and reopen painful memories for families still mourning loved ones.
In Maidan Wardak Province, the Taliban has opened what they call the “Mujahid Museum,” which reportedly houses 33 items, including makeshift barrel bombs, suicide vests, and even the footwear of attackers. These displays serve as stark reminders of the violence that has ravaged the country.
Taliban museum in Maidan Wardak Province - Yellow Barrels and Suicide Devices and Vehicles
Additionally, they exhibited these barrels and suicide motorcycles at the Mausoleum of Ali in Mazar-e Sharif, Balkh Province. Inside the “Fath” or “Victory Museum,” located within the famous Blue Mosque Complex in Mazar-i-Sharif, a single-room exhibit showcases wartime weapons such as Russian-made AK-47s, a Honda motorcycle used by suicide bombers, and a rocket-propelled grenade launcher. The centerpiece is a yellow explosive barrel—one of the group’s signature improvised explosive devices (IEDs)—which is displayed alongside antique copies of the Koran, presented in a grim manner.
In August
2024, the Taliban organized a military parade in Paktia province in eastern
Afghanistan, showcasing their well-known improvised explosive devices
constructed from 10 to 20-liter yellow plastic oil barrels. These homemade
bombs have been widely used in attacks against the Afghan government and
foreign forces over the past twenty years.
The Taliban
primarily funded their terrorist activities through drug money, which they
received from foreign intelligence agencies. In exchange, they supported the
drug trade by selling mainly opium, which was grown in regions mainly inhabited
by Pashtuns, such as Helmand and Nangarhar provinces.
Often, the Taliban themselves sold the opium, obtaining it from Pashtun landlords and keeping the profits. David Mansfield writes in his report from October 1, 2019: “Some viewed this expansion, coinciding with the Taliban’s territorial gains, as evidence of the Taliban’s control of the trade. But the relationship was more complex, reflecting local political settlements and bargains. In some cases, local Taliban leadership tolerated drug production and trade, unwilling to challenge powerful local interests. In others, Taliban commanders were actively involved in opiate trade and taxation.”
Furthermore, the Taliban has consistently sheltered terrorist groups like al-Qaeda and others, posing a significant threat both regionally and globally.
In its 36th report issued on July 24, 2025, the United
Nations Security Council’s (UNSC) Monitoring Committee highlighted concerns
regarding terrorist organizations such as ISIS (Daesh), al-Qaida, and related
groups. Although the report does not explicitly mention it, these groups are
believed to be influenced by Wahhabi ideology from Saudi Arabia and Qatar,
often called Takfiri ideology. "Takfiri" is an Islamic term referring
to the act of excommunicating fellow Muslims, especially when one Muslim
accuses another of apostasy or abandoning Islam.
Two
important points, specifically Points 85 and 88 on pages 16 and 17, mention the
following:
"85. The de
facto authorities in Afghanistan continued to maintain a permissive environment
for a range of terrorist groups, including Al-Qaida and its affiliates, posing
a serious threat to the security of Central Asian and other countries.
(...)
88. The
efforts of the de facto authorities diminished ISIL-K capabilities, but it
continued to operate with relative impunity, exploiting discontent with Taliban
governance. While the leadership remained predominantly Afghan Pashtun, the
rank and file were now mostly of Central Asian origin. Some of the ISIL-K
supporters attempting to cross borders were female, including wives of Central
Asian fighters."
The report refers to the Taliban regime as the de facto authorities. It's very rare that the UNSC confesses that not only the Taliban are led by Pashtuns but also the ISIL-K. Nonetheless, it is remarkable that the Taliban themselves are not mentioned as terrorist by this report of the UNSC, as the Taliban gained power through terrorist methods and are proud of them and willing to use such methods in their expansion or defensive warfare.
Hasht-e
Subh Daily reported on August 12, 2025, that the Taliban brought al-Qaeda
terrorists to the former anti-Taliban stronghold of Panjshir, where they are
receiving training:
"Reports
indicate that al-Qaeda is rebuilding its operational capacity inside
Afghanistan. While the Taliban and even many global powers deliberately
downplay the network’s presence, the reality is that al-Qaeda, working in close
coordination with the Taliban, is establishing new bases in strategic and
mountainous regions, particularly in Panjshir Province. These developments
point to covert security strategies aimed at drawing Asian powers into a new
kind of multinational terrorism.
Local
sources in Panjshir report that al-Qaeda has trained roughly 500 newly
recruited fighters, mostly from Arab countries, with some from Somalia, in both
military tactics and ideological indoctrination. These recruits speak Arabic
and English, and dedicated terrorist training camps have been established for
them."
Of course,
the USA and the international community are aware of these events, as they were
known before the Doha Agreement. However, for now, they seem to be ignoring the
situation.
Taliban’s Treatment of Shiites and Other Minorities
Human rights violations under Taliban rule are widespread, especially targeting women, who are often prevented from accessing education and employment. Like other Takfiri groups, the Taliban oppress not only women but also ethnic and religious minorities such as Hazaras and Shiites. The Taliban are also known for their severe treatment of minorities.
Some of
their actions against Shiites include:
- Making
anti-Shia statements
- Banning Shiite religious texts,
teachings, and rituals, such as Ashura commemorations
- Bombing
Shiite mosques
- Arresting
Shiite religious leaders
- Blocking Shiites from receiving
international aid
and other similar violations.
Taliban's Opposition to Civilizational Progress
The Taliban harbors a narrow-mindedand regressive ideology, demonstrating complete ignorance of human rights and democracy.
They categorically reject any rights for women. Wherever
they have seized power, they have imposed harsh restrictions: unlike most
countries in the world that permit girls’ education, Afghanistan under the
Taliban banned girls’ schools. They also shut down cinemas, prohibited wedding
celebrations, and barred women from working. Additionally, they banned ordinary
sports, claiming these activities are un-Islamic. The Taliban have carried out
public floggings and executed many Afghans in extrajudicial killings under the orders of their commanders. They have suppressed scientific knowledge by banning
books and transformed schools into religious seminaries (madrasas), where they
indoctrinate boys and girls with their extremist ideology.
The Taliban have also indirectly restricted access to
contraceptives. According to a May 2024 report
by French media outlet Vanity Fair, the sale of birth control pills has been
limited in Afghanistan. While they have not officially banned contraceptives,
they intimidate and threaten pharmacies to prevent their sale, thereby reducing
women’s access to reproductive health services.
This restrictive environment contributes to high birth rates, as illustrated in the following chart:
Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by Taliban Leaders
The Taliban know how to exploit Afghanistan’s high birth rates and widespread poverty to serve their own interests. Moreover, the Taliban are frequently accused of serious crimes, including sexual violence and abuse. They have gained a notorious reputation for raping boys and oppressing civilians, with numerous reports documenting widespread sexual violence involving minors.
They use young boys as both sex slaves and fighters:
Taliban's Corruption
Since their initial rise to power, the Taliban has plunged Afghanistan into deep poverty, largely due to widespread corruption among their leadership.
Many Taliban leaders have become noticeably overweight—some more than doubling their weight since taking power—highlighting their aversion to work and their tendency to blame divine will for the hardships faced by ordinary Afghans.
These leaders act as proxies for Pakistan, a densely
populated and impoverished country seeking to influence Afghan politics to serve
its strategic interests. Pakistani officials aim to exploit Afghanistan’s
natural resources and strengthen ties with Central Asian nations by maintaining
control over Afghan governance. They prefer Pashtun leaders in power, believing
they best serve regional and political objectives.
Meanwhile, Taliban leaders lead luxurious lifestyles while
the general population struggles in poverty. After the United States ceased
financial aid to Afghanistan, the Taliban grew increasingly anxious and entered
into contracts with various companies to generate revenue by selling
Afghanistan’s natural resources at discounted rates. However, these resources
rarely benefit ordinary Afghans; instead, the profits primarily enrich Taliban
leaders. The average fighter and everyday citizens see little to no benefit
from these resource sales, which are often insufficient to provide for their
needs or sustain the Taliban’s lavish lifestyles.
Corruption runs deep: Taliban leaders sell off Afghanistan’s
last hotels and landmarks to foreign companies to line their pockets. For
example, according to a 2025 report, the Taliban even sold the country’s only
luxury hotel, previously operated under a contract with Serena Hotels, which
was terminated in 2022. Additionally, reports reveal that Afghan wildlife—such
as migratory birds and desert species—are being hunted and smuggled out by
wealthy Gulf Arab hunters, including princes from the United Arab Emirates,
Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Bahrain. These hunters target protected
species in remote regions, often without regard for conservation or ethics.
Rather than investing in Afghanistan’s future or sharing the
country’s wealth, Taliban leaders loot state revenues and indulge in personal
luxuries, such as gifting new cars to their commanders—vehicles purchased from
Dubai and brought into Afghanistan. This greed and corruption starkly contrast
with the suffering of ordinary Afghans.
Taliban's Crimes against Afghan Women
The Taliban have been widely condemned for their human
rights abuses, especially their restrictions on women’s rights to work and
access education. They are designated as a terrorist organization by numerous
countries, and their government remains largely unrecognized internationally.
Taliban's Collective Punishments of Non-Pashtuns in Afghanistan
Although more than half of Afghanistan’s population belongs
to ethnic minorities such as Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazaras, all top Taliban
officials are Pashtun. A few symbolic figures from other ethnic groups are
present within the Taliban government, but Pashtuns dominate leadership
positions.
One of the Taliban’s primary methods of control is collective punishment. Any group opposing or fighting against them faces persecution, including arrests, torture, and executions. This has been evident in Panjshir Province, where families of resistance fighters and ordinary residents have been detained or killed. Similar atrocities have occurred in other regions, such as Daykundi, where Hazara soldiers and civilians have been executed in horrific ways.
Following Pashtunwali—a tribal code in combination with
Deobandi Islam and Salafi/Wahabi ideology—revenge and retribution are unwritten
laws. Hundreds of former Afghan security personnel and government officials
have been extrajudicially killed by the Taliban despite security guarantees and a so-called
general amnesty.
The oppression of women is deeply rooted in Pashtunwali,
leading to bans on women’s education and employment—policies that have caused
profound suffering, especially in northern regions like Mazar-i-Sharif, where
residents have faced threats of forced relocation and restrictions on travel.
Hazara communities in provinces like Daykundi have been forcibly displaced,
with their lands confiscated by Pashtun landlords.
Since the Taliban’s violent takeover, reports of harassment,
abductions, and targeted murders of Shiite Muslims have surged. In Kabul and
Herat—areas with large Shiite populations—those with higher education or social
standing have been specifically targeted since early 2022. Many Shiite Afghans
have been murdered, often with the assistance of the Pakistani intelligence
agency ISI, further highlighting the complex web of regional influence and
internal repression.
5) Results of Khalilzad's Interference
Khalilzad succeeded in his plan to transfer control of Afghanistan to the so-called "intelligence mafia"—which now supports and sponsors the Taliban—and once again turned Afghanistan into a terrorist hub.
According to military experts such as Hazrat Ali, a retired Afghan commander involved in the Tora Bora joint military operation, terrorist groups began to operate freely within newly established terrorist training camps across the war-ravaged country.
Masked terrorist fighters affiliated with the Taliban can be seen roaming openly in Afghanistan, as captured in a video from March 2025 in Mazar-i-Sharif:
The devastation inflicted on Afghanistan extends far beyond physical destruction; it has deeply eroded the very fabric of Afghan society. Afghan women have lost nearly all their rights—stripped of access to education and employment, and subjected to ongoing repression. This is also evident in numerous images and videos, such as this one from March 2025:
Another image depicts Afghan women protesting to demand their right to education:
While Afghan women face oppression, Taliban leading commanders are reportedly spending their time with Chinese female agents in Kabul parks, as China supports the terrorist group, thereby exploiting Afghanistan's natural resources in return:
Yet, despite the profound suffering and injustice, what remains for many Afghans is their mere existence amid chaos and despair.
The ongoing plunder of Afghanistan’s resources by these powerful factions and external sponsors is not only a theft of the country’s wealth but also a brutal confiscation of fundamental freedoms—particularly the rights and dignity of women and men alike. The US military's withdrawal left a scorched earth behind, leaving Afghanistan economically devastated and politically fractured, with much of its infrastructure and hopes destroyed.
Furthermore, the collapse of Afghanistan's government and the subsequent chaos are directly linked to the U.S. strategy of weaponizing its financial system during two decades of intervention in an article published on August 31, 2023 on the website Just Security:
Billions of dollars spent on military and aid programs fueled corruption, embezzlement, and the rise of a kleptocratic elite—ultimately undermining state institutions and enabling the collapse. The massive infusion of money created an ecosystem of favoritism and criminality that, instead of stabilizing the country, fostered a “criminal state” where corruption became endemic, and the rule of law was eroded. The US approach, which prioritized short-term gains and patronage over building resilient institutions, left Afghanistan hollowed out from within, its leadership entangled in a web of illicit interests and corruption. When the 2020 US-Taliban deal signaled the impending withdrawal, the entire fragile political order unraveled rapidly, exposing the deep roots of systemic corruption and the failure of the war effort. These lessons serve as a warning to other nations, such as Ukraine, where massive foreign aid and military support risk similar pitfalls if oversight and accountability are not prioritized.
The article explicitly mentions the possibility that the Taliban were reinstalled by the USA on purpose by stating: "Many Afghans continue to question whether the United States simply jumped ship at the last minute, enabling the Taliban takeover in return for certain backchannel guarantees, inked in the secret annex documents of the 2020 Doha Agreement."
This is indeed a widely held theory, shared not only by Afghans but also by many international war analysts. However, the article does not address the direct involvement of Zalmay Khalilzad and his associates, who are often viewed as the key figures behind the intentional reinstatement of the Taliban in Afghanistan, possibly to prevent any non-Pashtun group from gaining power after after the U.S. withdrawal. This conclusion can be drawn from Khalilzad’s previous statements d (cp. his opinion in the Washington Post from 1996).
Meanwhile, regional and international powers are trampling on the rights of Afghan migrants, turning their backs on the suffering populace. The so-called "mafia"—the shadowy intelligence agencies and foreign interests—appear content to see Afghanistan remain in ruin, ruled by proxies and thieves who serve their interests. Their intrigues continue, with Afghan anti-Taliban resistance groups symbolizing the ongoing struggle for national sovereignty amidst external manipulation.
In this bleak landscape, it’s important to recognize that Afghanistan’s crisis is not only a matter of political instability but also one of human suffering on an unprecedented scale. Recent studies and global datasets reveal that Afghanistan now reports the lowest levels of subjective well-being in recorded history:
In 2022, the average life satisfaction score plummeted to just 1.28 out of 10—an unprecedented low that surpasses all previous conflict zones. Most Afghans—around two-thirds—rated their lives at 0 or 1, suggesting they are living in conditions worse than death.
This decline in happiness is not an isolated statistic; it reflects the profound despair gripping the nation. The nation's hope for a better future has also evaporated, with average scores of anticipation dropping sharply to just over 1 out of 10. These figures starkly illustrate the depth of suffering—a society where many feel they have little left to strive for, and where the very idea of a hopeful future seems unreachable.
What this data underscores is that war and conflict do not just cause immediate destruction but have lasting psychological and social repercussions. Afghanistan’s tragic decline in subjective well-being challenges models in behavioral science that downplay the impact of life circumstances on happiness. It reveals that, in countries torn apart by violence and repression, objective conditions—such as security, rights, and resources—are critical determinants of people's mental and emotional health.
6) Khalilzad's Pashtun Nationalism
It is widely believed that Khalilzad’s support for the
Taliban is largely motivated by their shared Pashtun heritage, often leading
him to intervene on their behalf with the U.S. and Sunni allies when they face
difficulties. This backing is seen as rooted in Pashtun nationalism, as
accepting the Taliban without such support would be difficult. Pashtun
nationalists have long asserted that Afghanistan belongs to Pashtuns—who they
consider the true Afghans, according to their terminology. They advocate for
the relocation of Tajik Afghans to Tajikistan, Uzbek Afghans to Uzbekistan, and
Hazara Afghans to Goristan (the graveyard). Other Shiite groups, including
Qizilbash and Shiite Sayeds, are stigmatized as Iranians and are demanded to
return to Iran, although Iran likely would refuse to accept them, if they considered moving there.
Does Afghanistan belong solely to Pashtuns? Certainly not.
Afghanistan, as it exists today, is a multiethnic and multireligious country.
These diverse peoples predate the borders established by the British Empire.
Historically, they lived within various states and regions—such as Balkh and
Khorasan—that existed before modern borders. Throughout history, these
populations have been governed by rulers from different backgrounds—Persians,
Turkic peoples, Mongols, Arabs—none of whom were Pashtuns (for more detail, refer to Afghanistan's history). Today, Pashtun
elites claim exclusive ownership over all these territories and beyond,
refusing to recognize the rights of the original inhabitants.
7) The Role
of the USA in Afghanistan’s Political Dynamics
The United States has amassed extensive intelligence on the
Taliban and its capabilities, much of which remains undisclosed to the public.
U.S. politicians have been influenced—sometimes heavily—by figures like
Khalilzad and others who promote the idea that Pashtuns should dominate
Afghanistan’s political landscape, especially the Taliban, over other ethnic
groups. This influence extends to longstanding alliances with Pashtun elites
such as Khalilzad, Laili Helms, Hamid Karzai, Ashraf Ghani, and their foreign allies.
For decades, these actors have worked to shape Afghanistan's
power structure, leading to the clear implication that the Taliban’s rise was
not accidental but facilitated—if not orchestrated—by the U.S. government. If
Washington had truly opposed the Taliban’s ascent, it could have prevented
their gaining power and access to American weapons, yet these claims are often
dismissed as conspiracy theories—difficult for ordinary people to prove.
However, hints and statements from U.S. politicians, including former President
Joe Biden and ex-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, suggest that the U.S. may have
intentionally allowed the Taliban to reach power.
While the
U.S. could re-engage in Afghanistan by supporting anti-Taliban resistance
groups and providing assistance, there is significant hesitation. This
reluctance is primarily driven by the influence of Taliban allies and regional
powers who lobby to maintain the Taliban’s grip on power.
8) Afghanistan Under the Taliban: A Regime Marked by Oppression and Violence
The Taliban is a Pashtun-led militant movement that emerged in Afghanistan in 1994, with roots in Pashtun tribal law and Sunni fundamentalism, and has been widely accused of human rights abuses, especially against women and minorities. They regained control of Afghanistan in 2021, establishing a regime notorious for violence, corruption, and oppressive policies—such as banning girls' education, suppressing minorities, and engaging in brutal punishments, including public floggings, extrajudicial killings, and the use of torture, all while consolidating power through fear and repression.
Dr. Ewelina
U. Ochab contributed to Forbes on August 12, 2025:
“August 15,
2025, marks four years of the Taliban regime, after the fall of Kabul in 2021.
The four years of the Taliban regime have been marked by human rights
violations on a mass scale, with women and girls and religious minorities being
removed from society, piece by piece, one way or another. Women and girls are
subjected to what can only be described as gender apartheid, defined as “a
system of governance, based on laws and/or policies, which imposes systematic
segregation of women and men and may also systematically exclude women from
public spaces and spheres.” Religious minorities, on the other hand, are
subjected to religious persecution, with the Hazara facing genocidal
atrocities. Against this backdrop, Russia formally recognized the Taliban as
the legitimate government, and others, including China, are looking to do the
same.”
The Taliban are also involved in
widespread criminal activities, including drug trafficking, sexual
exploitation, and the destruction of Afghanistan's cultural and historical sites. Despite
their claims of establishing order, the Taliban's rule is marked by severe
repression, widespread violence, and significant human rights violations, with
many countries classifying them as a terrorist organization. The leadership is
predominantly Pashtun, and their governance continues to be characterized by
corruption, brutality, and an extreme interpretation of Islamic law.
In essence, Afghanistan’s current state under Taliban rule exemplifies how societal crises strip away not only material wealth but also the dignity, hope, and sense of purpose that sustain human life. The international community’s continued neglect and manipulation only deepen these wounds. Without genuine support aimed at rebuilding both infrastructure and morale, the Afghan people face an uncertain future—one marked by ongoing suffering, lost freedoms, and an enduring sense of hopelessness.
Author and war correspondent Jon Lee Anderson reflects on his latest visit to Afghanistan following the Taliban’s takeover with the following words: “Pretty much every woman I met who was able to talk with me on their own asked me for help to get out of the country,” and he adds: “Not just women. Pretty much everyone I met who was not with the Taliban asked me, whether it was a civil servant, an assistant in the ministries, stewardesses on an airplane.”
Anderson highlights the widespread sense of uncertainty and fear among those opposed to or vulnerable under Taliban rule. It is unlikely that the Afghan people will find solace or security in their final stand against terrorism within their homeland, as the ongoing conflict is primarily fueled by external adversaries opposed to Afghanistan’s sovereignty. The current leadership and backers of the Taliban, including figures such as Khalilzad, along with other Pashtun political elites like Ashraf Ghani, Hamid Karzai and Mirwais Azizi, appear intent on convincing international and regional governments to bolster their support for the Taliban regime. Such efforts only serve to deepen the suffering experienced by ordinary Afghans.
Moreover, these elites, along with the Taliban, tend to favor governance by Pashtun intermediaries and proxies, mirroring the current situation characterized by high unemployment, widespread illiteracy, harsh restrictions on civil liberties, and declining life conditions, including increased drug addiction. This fragile state leaves the Afghan population vulnerable to manipulation by foreign intelligence agencies from countries such as Pakistan, Qatar, the UAE, China, and the United States, each exploiting the situation to serve their own strategic interests. The Taliban itself remains a proxy and tool of these external powers, further perpetuating instability and hindering Afghanistan’s potential to develop a more inclusive, democratic, and independent governance structure representing its diverse ethnic groups.
9) Conclusion: Emerging
Resistance to Taliban Totalitarianism - Perspectives and Strategies
However,
even Richard Bennett, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Afghanistan,
stated on August 5, 2025, that the Taliban’s rule is
temporary and will not last forever. “There is no need to accept that the
Taliban have come to stay,” Bennett said. “Given Afghanistan’s history of
repeated political change, that seems unlikely. What we are seeking are
peaceful transitions and moves toward greater respect for human rights.”
He emphasized that their repression—including restrictions on women and girls, suppression of dissent, and arbitrary arrests—constitutes crimes against humanity that necessitate a coordinated global response. Bennett pointed to Afghanistan’s history of political change, suggesting that the current Taliban regime is unlikely to be permanent and called for peaceful transitions toward improved human rights conditions.
As Afghanistan remains under Taliban rule, discussions about the regime’s authoritarian nature and the various forms of resistance have become increasingly significant. On August 11, 2025, two prominent analyses—one publication by Mohammadullah Afzali on Amu TV and another by Atal Ahmadzai in the FPIF (Foreign Policy In Focus)—shed light on the totalitarian characteristics of the Taliban system and explore potential avenues for subtle resistance within Afghan society.
Both Afzali
and Ahmadzai agree that the Taliban’s governance displays all the hallmarks of
a totalitarian regime. Afzali highlights that the regime consolidates its power
through ideological, ethnic, and geopolitical endeavors, threatening to revert
Afghanistan to a state of political primitiveness disguised as religious and
traditional values. He warns that the regime’s brutality not only silences
dissent but also jeopardizes the social fabric of Afghanistan, making
resistance an urgent imperative.
Afzali
proposes a comprehensive strategy to challenge Taliban dominance, including:
- Promoting indigenous knowledge
and raising awareness via media, art, and social platforms.
- Forming multiethnic political
alliances that cross ethnic and identity lines.
- Strengthening civil society in
exile and exerting targeted pressure on international institutions.
- Empowering women, minorities,
and the youth outside Afghanistan.
- Supporting civil and creative
forms of resistance within the country.
He asserts
that hope endures only when resistance is grounded in awareness and organized
through structural frameworks, emphasizing that the resolution of this dark era
depends on “light from within.”
Meanwhile,
Ahmadzai emphasizes the resilience of Afghan society, which continues to resist
despite oppressive tactics. He notes that although overt revolts are often
suppressed, resistance persists in subtler ways—through survival, clandestine
activism, and cultural expression. This resilience is also reflected in the
efforts of the Afghan diaspora, including scholars and religious figures
opposing the regime’s ideology at great personal risk. Women, in particular,
challenge Taliban restrictions by engaging in income-generating activities and
small businesses to sustain their families. Society also demonstrates covert
defiance through activities like underground schools for girls and secret
beauty salons.
Both
analysts stress the importance of the international community recognizing the
Taliban regime as a totalitarian state and highlight that opposition to such
regimes is essential. Ahmadzai warns that history shows how normalizing
totalitarian regimes—whether due to strategic or self-interested reasons—can
facilitate the spread of oppressive ideologies elsewhere. As Western
democracies grapple with their own tendencies toward authoritarianism,
legitimizing Taliban-style governance could embolden similar dystopian
narratives worldwide.
Despite the
oppressive environment, the spirit of resistance endures among Afghans in
various forms. Recognizing the totalitarian nature of the Taliban regime and
supporting both internal and external resistance efforts are crucial steps
toward restoring hope and fostering change. The fight for Afghanistan’s future
continues, driven by resilience, awareness, and an unwavering yearning for
freedom.
As Jon Lee
Anderson concluded: “Afghanistan has never gone to a new stage without spilling
blood,” the path forward will be difficult, both for Afghans and the International Community.
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